Check out this piece by Michael Grunwald of The
Washington Post–a reporter who rides his bike to
work
Global warming is having its moment in the sun.
The climate crisis is on “60 Minutes” and in Tom
Brokaw’s new documentary, on the cover of Time
and Newsweek, and in Al Gore’s new movie and
best-selling book. But while polls show that most
Americans now believe that global warming is real
and significantly manmade, they are much less
concerned about the issue than non-Americans, and
much less willing to support dramatic action to
address it.
The problem is, most scientists now believe
dramatic action is necessary to prevent a climate
catastrophe. They warn that unless humans can
reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 70 percent,
global warming could threaten the habitability of
the earth. That’s the inconvenient part of “An
Inconvenient Truth.” And when Gore’s critics
complain that such drastic reductions would
require an assault on our way of life, they’re
telling the truth, too.
But what if Americans decided that such changes
truly were necessary?
If our get-serious rhetoric on climate change
were to be more than a new form of low-carbon
emissions, we would have to change not only the
way we live and the way we drive, but the way we
think about political issues. And not only the
politics of energy and the environment. If the
scientists are right about an apocalyptic future
of floods, droughts, dead coral reefs, rising sea
levels and advancing deserts, global warming is
an existential threat that should affect our
approach to just about every issue. To take it
seriously, we would have to change the way we
think about transportation, agriculture,
development, water resources, natural disasters,
foreign relations and more.
It is possible to imagine a climate-conscious
politics that would stretch far beyond the modest
carbon reductions we rejected in the Kyoto
Protocol, a politics where a policy’s atmospheric
costs would be evaluated along with its fiscal
costs, a politics of inconvenient truths. In
fact, the path to that politics is already
starting to emerge, with talk inside the Beltway
and action outside it.
President Bush recently decided to overturn
decades of bipartisan U.S. policy by cooperating
with Russia on nuclear energy issues. “We need
alternatives to hydrocarbons,” his assistant
energy secretary explained.
Bush is no climate convert; he’s more concerned
with enlisting Russia’s support against Iran and
promoting America’s nuclear industry. But it’s
notable how his administration made its case.
Nuclear power is problematic in many ways, but it
doesn’t contribute to the greenhouse effect, so
its supporters now make greenhouse arguments.
Similarly, the sugar industry now defends its
controversial price supports from the government
by noting that its cane can be converted into
ethanol. And the Army Corps of Engineers defends
questionable navigation projects that ravage
rivers to ease the way for a few barges by
bragging about how many gas-guzzling trucks each
barge takes off the road. Come 2008, when
presidential candidates start pandering about
corn ethanol in Iowa, they’ll surely say they’re
trying to save the Earth.
Climate change may not always elevate the debate
in Washington, but it is changing the debate,
even on seemingly tangential issues. For if we
take climate change seriously, there aren’t many
tangential issues. We emit greenhouse gases
whenever we use fuel or electricity - when we
drive or fly, heat or cool our homes, grow or
manufacture or transport our products. And
government policies can encourage more or less of
those activities in more or less
greenhouse-friendly ways. more